An unfortunate
consequence of a region possessing an abundance of a natural resource, refered
to as a “honeypot,” is militaristic conflict. This conflict results from the
opportunity that the honeypot creates for parties to capture its resources. Often,
even though honeypots for nonrenewable resources exist in certain areas of the
world, the resources are still scarce on a global scale, which makes their demand
high for powerful, external parties. Critics of the honeypot theory have
largely concentrated on conflict over resources between governments when
dismissing the idea that abundance of a resource leads to conflict. They have
explained that there has been a long peace globally between nations, and that
when nations do go to war it is usually for social reasons, with the securance
of natural resources being merely a supporting factor in the decision if it
even is one at all. I do not oppose these critics’ stance on government
involvement in conflict involving natural resources; however, their overview on
the issue of abundance is incomplete. These critics have not addressed the real
culprit in proliferating conflicts in regions with honeypots—corporations. Evidence
of corporations’ role in heightening local conflict over resources is apparent
in Chevron’s, the fourth largest petroleum supplier in the world, exploitation
in Burma and Thailand, regions rich in natural gas and petroleum.
Although I agree with the critics
that governments are not the source of conflict over resources, the United
States’ attitude towards corporations is problematic and related to the
underlying issue of resource conflict. Throughout the past two centuries, the
political and corporate realms have become increasingly intertwined. On a
national level, corporations have gained prominent political influence through
amplified lobbying efforts and campaign spending. According to a report
released in 2009 by The True Cost of Chevron Network, Chevron has been among
the all time largest corporate contributors to federal elections since 1990. In
the recent election, Chevron spent over $3 million endorsing local candidates
in Richmond, California, where their refinery exploded in 1999 and again 2012
(Think Progress). This type of campaign support and the overall strong
influence of corporations in government have been supported legally. The United
States’ doctrine of Corporate Personhood, which establishes that corporations
have the same rights as individuals in the eyes of the law, has been upheld by
numerous Supreme Court cases. These protections established for corporations by
law relate to the disparity in the level of influence governments and
corporations have over international resources. Unlike government officials who
are elected, bound by their position’s legal restrictions, and responsible for
maintaining the nation’s reputation, corporations are held to a low standard
internationally. When conducting business internationally, American
corporations, like Chevron, are required to only abide by the laws in the
nations where they are operating. The issue with this requirement is that the
countries where American corporations are extracting resources from are often
lawless, with corrupt governments or nonexistent ones, which leaves American
corporations without restrictions. Without legal bindings, these corporations
are free to harm the environment and exploit local peoples in order to achieve
their profit from the region’s honeypot.
Even
without the influence of corporations, nations with an abundance of a
nonrenewable resource are already in vulnerable situations. Michael Ross (2003)
asserts the developing nations that have honeypots suffer from a “resource
curse” as their resource abundance inhibits their economic and political
development. In Green Planet Blues (2010), Colin Kahl agrees with Ross as he identifies
specific issues that regions that retain honeypots suffer from, all related to
political instability. He explains that abundant resources create incentives
for rebel groups to capture them, escalate the amount of labor and capital
focused on solely the natural resource economic sector, and increase the
likelihood of those nations developing corrupt, authoritarian governments.
This
resource curse has been illustrated in Burma and Thailand, regions rich in
natural gas and oil. Demonstrating the effects of the resource curse, these
countries have been vulnerable, developing states throughout the past few
decades as their governments have been overturned by military coups, which also
control most of the region’s natural resources. A prevailing rebellion in the
early 1990s left the Burmese military, which has a violent and dictatorial
reputation, in control of Burma, resulting in local conflict. However, the
severity of this conflict was greatly exaggerated by the involvement of
corporations. According to the True Cost of Chevron Network report, even with
the knowledge of the Burmese military’s human rights abuses and dominance in
Burma, Chevron signed a contract with them to help them in developing offshore
natural gas fields in Thailand. Under the instruction of Chevron, the Burmese
military continued to exploit forced laborers, rape women, compulsorily
relocate villages, and silence local protesters through murder. Chevron
supervised these extreme human rights abuses all in the name of securing profit
from natural resources, which greatly exaggerated the preexisting conflict.
Unbeknown
from its name, the honeypot isn’t always a gift—it’s a danger. An abundance of
natural resources accelerates local conflict and leaves developing nations
vulnerable to corporate exploitation. Greedy corporations are the greatest
perpetrators in enlarging conflict in developing nations over resources. We
need to put an end to the conflict and abuses that stem from the desire to
obtain natural resources. To end exploitation by corporations, they must be
held accountable for their abuses of power in the same degree that governments
hold one another responsible. To end local conflict and secure the safety of
the local peoples, honeypots must be regulated, perhaps by an international
body. Honeypots should not be a curse, but they are currently the source of
conflict. Action is needed to put an end to regional conflict over resources.
Sources:
http://truecostofchevron.com/2009-alternative-annual-report.pdf
http://thinkprogress.org/climate/2014/11/05/3589294/chevron-lost-richmond-elections/
Mandi,
ReplyDeleteMany of the 'honeypot' and 'resource curse' theorists claim that the resource the problem. You claim that it is corporate predation that is the problem while citing Ross and Kahl. How do you think these two arguments relate? Is it one or the other? Both? If so, how?
Professor Shirk, I think that the honeypot is the source of the the problem, which relates to the resource curse. The honeypot causes local conflict over resources and is the product that the corporations are trying to obtain. Without the honeypot, there would be no resource to drive corporate exploitation. The honeypot creates local conflict and demand, then this conflict is proliferated by corporations.
ReplyDeleteMandi,
ReplyDeleteI think that you present a really interesting argument about the role of corporations in exploiting the resources of developing nations. I definitely agree with your statement that corporations must be held accountable for their actions, but I have questions about your argument that honeypots should be regulated by an international body.
What problems do you see arising if another "foreign" influence has its hand in the resources of a developing nation? Couldn't the local people view this international body as another corporate exploiter? In what ways cold the international body address some of these concerns?
Monique,
DeleteI like that you pointed out the possibility of the influence of foreign states to act as an exploitative force towards developing states. While it often seems that the blame of the honeypot theory is shouldered by the state itself, due to corrupt governments, cartels, and economies facing a lack of diversity, maybe state interaction also serves to cause local conflict and demand. Should international regimes address and penalize multinational and transnational corporations for their hand in these developing countries facing resource surplus?